Alexander’s Heir

Seleucus I Nicator (“the Victor”) was a Macedonian infantry general of Alexander the Great who would become the greatest of his successors. No one would expect Seleucus to become to so powerful and so great out of all the competing diadochi (“successors”), though Seleucus’ ambitions were much like Alexander’s own. His empire and legacy would prove to do right by Alexander and his vision of a multicultural realm, something his other warring generals did not fully understand or even consider. Seleucus is an interesting character, in that he rose from the ranks of Alexander’s army to become one of the most important challengers of his other prestigious generals who had grabbed territory in the effort to elevate themselves over the bones of Alexander’s empire. Seleucus knew of the military genius his king had taught him throughout the Asian campaigns, and it is through Seleucus’ knowledge and actions we understand how this little-known Macedonian general became the master of the Asia and the reviver of the Persian Empire. Out of all of Alexander’s successors, Seleucus proved to make the impossible a reality, truly earning his epithet “the Victor”.

Now, I will summarize and analyze Seleucus’ life and legacy.

Bust of Seleucus I Nicator

Seleucus was born circa 358 BCE to the Macedonian nobleman Antiochus and his Greek wife Laodice. Though, there was a Seleucid legend that Seleucus’ true father was the god Apollo as mandated by Seleucus’ anchor shaped birthmark, although this is probably later Seleucid propaganda invented to praise and esteem Seleucus, probably fabricated by Seleucus himself. Nonetheless, Apollo was regarded as the patron god of the Seleucids forever after. His father Antiochus was reported to be amongst Philip II’s most dutiful generals, gaining distinction in Philip’s wars against his neighbors and the Greek mainland. Seleucus was raised in the traditional elite Macedonian fashion, becoming a royal page to King Philip as was customary to all noble-born males who would later become officers in the king’s army. It is suspected he met Alexander while serving his father Philip, creating a bond between the two boys who would subsequently become soldiers in their own manner. In 334 BCE Seleucus accompanied Alexander on his Asian campaign to conquer the Achaemenid Empire, serving as an infantry soldier who would eventually rise to the rank of commander of the elite infantry corps known as the Hypaspistai (“Shield-Bearers”, later known as the “Silver Shields”) by 327 BCE. Seleucus later gained distinction fighting in India against King Porus and his elephant squadrons.

During Alexander’s campaigns Seleucus met his future wife, Apama, a Sogdian princess. Possibly received as a reward for his diligent duty, Seleucus would take Apama as his mistress throughout the rest of Alexander’s wars, even having a son with her named Antiochus in 324 BCE. During the mass wedding ceremonies at Susa Seleucus would formally marry Apama and was noted to be the only Macedonian officer not to divorce or reject his Asian wife after Alexander’s death. Was he in love with her? Perhaps. Or, was Seleucus devoted to Alexander’s image of a multicultural empire? Or was Seleucus smart enough to know that maintaining a marriage with his Sogdian wife was the best way to secure a friendly and grounded relationship with the new Asian subjects? Perhaps a combination of all these theories.

In the aftermath of Alexander’s death the empire was divided up amongst his generals, the supreme regent being Perdiccas. Seleucus was chosen by Perdiccas to command the Hetairoi (“Companions”)  and was also named first chiliarch, making him the the most senior officer of the entire army after Perdiccas. In 321 BCE Ptolemy, a former general and bodyguard of Alexander, hijacked Alexander’s corpse and ignited war amongst the generals. As the other generals rebelled against Perdiccas, Seleucus still showed his support of the regent, likely thankful for the amount of command and prestige that was awarded to him. However, when Perdiccas marched on Egypt to fight Ptolemy that is when things went sour. Perdiccas was unsuccessful in his assault on Memphis, and later in the night he was assassinated by his officers – Antigenes, Peithon, and possibly Seleucus. It is unconfirmed whether Seleucus definitely took part in the murder of Perdiccas, but it suspected he at least knew of the plot.

With the death of Perdiccas the empire was once again divided. Antipater, Alexander’s governor of Macedon and Greece, was chosen as the supreme regent and protector over the feeble-minded Philip III and the infant Alexander IV. Antipater awarded the governorship of Babylonia to Seleucus, a source of wealth yet with insignificant military power. Seleucus arrived at the city of Babylon to find himself at odds with the Babylonian priesthood, a faction that essentially controlled the populace. Seleucus was eventually compelled to give the priests monetary gifts and vocal support to win their favor and see Babylon fold under his rule. In 319 BCE Antipater died and left the regency to his lieutenant, Polyperchon, instead of his son Cassander who proved to be rash and hotheaded. Cassander, soured by this decision, waged war against Polyperchon. Elsewhere, Antipater’s death gave incentive to Peithon, governor of Media, to expand his domain. Both of these events put Seleucus in a vulnerable position, as Polyperchon’s lieutenant Eumenes and his army were just north of Babylon being trailed by Antigonus Monophthalmus (“the One-Eye”), a supporter of Cassander’s claim. Meanwhile, Peithon arrived at Babylon in late 317 BCE, he having more soldiers than Seleucus could muster.

Eumenes inched closer and closer to Babylon by the spring of 316 BCE with the hopes of crossing the Tigris River. Seleucus sent two triremes along with other ships to stop the crossing of Eumenes. He even opened the flood barriers of the river to try to halt Eumenes, but to no avail. It seems Seleucus had no plans to actually stop Eumenes. However, Eumenes kept marching on toward Susa, passing Babylon and thus allowing Seleucus to join up with Antigonus and Peithon in their hunt for Eumenes. Antigonus left a small contingent of soldiers with Seleucus to prevent Eumenes from reaching the Mediterranean, a gesture not needed as Antigonus would end up defeating Eumenes at the Battle of Gabiene (316 BCE). With Eumenes’ execution the war finally subsided. Though, soon enough Antigonus’ treatment of Seleucus would provoke conflict.

In the summer of 315 BCE Antigonus arrived in Bablyon and to a  warm welcome from Seleucus, the former now reigning over most of the empire’s Asian territories. However, conflict would arise when Seleucus punished one of Antigonus’ officers without imploring Antigonus. Antigonus became angry at Seleucus’ disregard for his authority, demanding the province’s treasury be gifted to him as a settlement. Seleucus refused, and with the Babylonian priesthood conspiring against him, Seleucus was compelled to flee to Egypt where Ptolemy, the ever-independent governor, welcomed him. After arriving in Egypt, Seleucus sent associates to inform Lysimachus, governor of Thrace, and Cassander, regent of Macedon, of Antigonus’ actions. With Antigonus now the most powerful of the diadochi, Seleucus relied on the integrity of the other generals to unite against him. The allied diadochi sent a request to Antigonus, demanding that Seleucus be allowed to peacefully return to Babylon. Antigonus refused, instead developing an invasion plan to attack Ptolemy. War once again resumed, and Seleucus was appointed as an admiral under Ptolemy’s leadership.

Ptolemy first sent Seleucus to attack Rhodes, who allied with Antigonus. The fleet was too small to properly conquer the city, but this show of strength was enough to make Asander, governor of Caria, to join up with Ptolemy. In an effort to demonstrate his power, Seleucus invaded the city of Erythrae and continued to plunder the coastline of Antigonus’ domain. Seleucus later joined Ptolemy’s half-brother, Menelaus, in the besiegement of the city-kingdom of Kition. The while Antigonus dispatched his fleet to the Aegean Sea and kept his army in Asia Minor. However, this presented Ptolemy with the opportunity to invade Syria, in which he did. Seleucus and Ptolemy met with Antigonus’ son, Demetrius Poliorcetes (“the Besieger”), at the Battle of Gaza (312 BCE) in which they defeated him. In the battle Peithon (son of Agenor), Antigonus’ governor of Babylonia, was killed, thus allowing Seleucus to return to Babylon. Ptolemy subscribed 800 infantry and 200 cavalry to his cause, along with friends that had followed Seleucus after his expulsion from Babylon. On the road to Babylon, Seleucus managed to recruit more soldiers from Greek colonies, acquiring about 3,000 soldiers. Seleucus was now prepared and confident in his return to his rightful seat of governance.

 Seleucus arrived at Babylon to discover the city under the governance of the general Diphilus, a supporter of Peithon and Antigonus. Diphilus barricaded himself inside the city’s citadel and waited for Seleucus’ assault, unsure of his fate. These defenses were no trouble for Seleucus as he managed to conquer Babylon with great speed and the citadel just as quick. Seleucus then freed his friends and associates who had remained in Babylon. Once a fleeting fugitive now a conquering ruler, Seleucus’ triumphant return to Babylon is regarded as the official start date of the Seleucid Empire and the first year of the Seleucid era.

Bust of Seleucus

With the word of Seleucus’ return to Babylon spreading, supporters of Antigonus conspired to gain it back. Two of Antigonus’ governors, Nicanor and Evagoras, collaborated with each other in the effort to win back Babylon. Seleucus, knowing his small army could not withstand direct open battle, ordered his soldiers to hide in the marshes around the Tigris. As Nicanor and Evagoras approached Babylon with their armies, Seleucus sprung a surprise attack and in the battle Evagoras was killed. Evagoras’ death hit the troops hard, surrendering en masse to Seleucus while Nicanor escaped with a handful of men. Employing the surrendering soldiers, Seleucus now had a sizeable army, though not enough to confront Antigonus. Although, Seleucus knew that at least two eastern provinces were without governors, and he had enough soldiers under his command hailing from these regions to make the land easier to subdue. Seleucus then began conjuring different stories about himself amongst his soldiers that eventually reached the eastern provinces, stories that carried great propagandic value in that compared him favorably to Alexander, or in that it made Seleucus appear to be Alexander’s heir. As Seleucus marched east with Alexander he could use his deceased king in his propaganda, whereas Antigonus could not having been stationed in Phrygia during Alexander’s eastern campaigns. Seleucus became a popular and famous ruler in Babylon, so much so that the Babylonians did not wish for another governor that lacked Seleucus’ character.

Seleucus became more agressive in his political ambitions, immediately moving eastward and conquering Media and Susiana, as well as adjoining eastern regions such as Persis, Aria, and Parthia. Seleucus did not manage to reach Bactria and Sogdiana for some unknown reason. Though, with Nicanor’s defeat there was no one to oppose Seleucus’ eastward expansion. Eventually, Antigonus did conduct a counterattack against Seleucus, sending his son Demetrius with 15,000 infantry and 4,000 cavalry to recapture Babylon, though Antigonus gave his son a time limit in which he must return to Syria. It seems Antigonus did not know that Seleucus had conquered most of the eastern territories. Seleucus was still campaigning when Demetrius arrived at Babylon, having left the general and geographer Patrocles to govern and defend the city. The citizens of Babylon were transferred out of the city and settled in neighboring villages and outposts, some as far as Susa. Babylon had two strong fortresses garrisoned with soldiers left behind by Seleucus, the city itself being used as a fortified barbican. Also, the surroundings of Babylon were excellent for defense, a setting with canals, rivers, and swamps. Demetrius managed to seize one of the towers, but the second tower proved too difficult and so Demetrius left his lieutenant Archelaus in charge of the siege while he returned west. Ancient sources do not mention what happened to Archelaus and his troops, though perhaps Seleucus had to reconquer Babylon.

In 311 BCE Antigonus made peace with Ptolemy, Lysimachus, and Cassander. Though, this would not halt his ambitions as well as utilizing his numerical superiority to take advantage of Seleucus, having a personal grudge against him. Antigonus appeared at Babylon to find Seleucus’ army much bigger than previously seen, having perhaps recruited men from Archelaus’ regiments. Seleucus also may have received help from the Cossians, a Near Eastern people whose lands had been devastated by Antigonus. Many of Seleucus’ soldiers hated Antigonus, along with the Babylonian populace being hostile. Antigonus occupied Babylon, yet the entire city was against him, ever loyal to Seleucus. There is little information about the war between Seleucus and Antigonus, though there are a few sources mentioning how Antignonus occupied Babylon, though to no success as Ptolemy decided to aid Seleucus and attacked Cilicia due to malicious intrigue that took place on Cyprus. One source presents us how Seleucus managed to defeat Antigonus in at least one decisive battle. It reports that Seleucus and Antigonus fought for a whole day before retiring for nightfall, the two armies agreeing to a temporary truce and to resume fighting in the morning. However, Seleucus ordered his soldiers to sleep and eat breakfast in battle formation during the night. Seleucus then attacked Antigonus and his soldiers while they were eating breakfast, quickly achieving victory. The historical accuracy of this event is questionable.

Antigonus accepted defeat and retreated west, relinquishing the provinces of Media and Elam to Seleucus. Though, war soon resumed while Ptolemy was expanding his power in the Aegean and Seleucus went on a grand tour of the east to consolidate his authority. From 311 to 302 BCE Seleucus achieved bringing the whole eastern part of Alexander’s empire as far as the Jaxartes and Indus under his rule. During his campaigns and ventures Seleucus would establish a number of cities, numerous Seleucias, Apameas, Laodiceas, and Antiochs. It was said that Seleucus surpassed Alexander in the building of cities, having had more cities in Asia Minor than the whole of Alexander’s empire. The most famous of his cities was Antioch-on-the-Orontes (“the cradle of Christianity”).The city was possibly named after Seleucus’ father or son, both named Antiochus, and was reputed to be built on a sacred site where Alexander camped for a night. Similarly, Seleucus founded Antioch through ritual means. Antioch would become the chief capital and foremost trade center of the Seleucid Empire, eventually rivaling Alexandria of Egypt in terms of importance. Other famed Seleucid cities were Seleucia-on-the-Tigris, initially the new capital of Seleucus’ realm before Antioch was built, and Seleucia Pieria (“Seleucia by the Sea”) which was the captial seaport of the Seleucid Empire. With the establishment of these new cities, Seleucus’ original capital of Babylon became insignificant as the most of the Babylonian population was moved to either Seleucia-on-the-Tigris or Antioch. It was said of Seleucus that “few princes had ever lived with so great a passion for the building of cities.”

The struggle of the diadochi reached its peak when, after the extinction of the royal Argead dynasty, in 306/305 BCE Antigonus and Demetrius declared themselves independent kings. Seleucus and the other diadochi (Lysimachus, Cassander, and Ptolemy) also proclaimed themselves kings. Seleucus then continued to attend to matters in the east, trying to occupy territory as far as the Indus River. As such, Seleucus came into conflict with the Indian Emperor Chandragupta Maurya, called Sandrokottos by the Greeks. Seleucus’ campaign to take the Indus territory from Chandragupta ended in failure; ultimately, an agreement was reached and sealed with a treaty. Seleucus would cede a considerable amount of eastern territory to Chandragupta in exchange for 500 war-elephants. Seleucus would also marry  his daughter to Chandragupta.

Illustrated portrait of King Seleucus

Seleucus returned from the east to participate in the final war against Antigonus, utilizing his new war-elephants to great effect. Seleucus and his son Antiochus engaged with Lysimachus in the Battle of Ipsus (301 BCE) where Antigonus was killed. Demetrius, who fought alongside his father, fled to Ephesus with the remaining Antigonid army and Antigonus’ Asian holdings were divided amongst Seleucus and Lysimachus. With this victory Syria was placed under Seleucus’ rule, yet Ptolemy still claimed Syria as his own. Soon after, Seleucus sparked an alliance with an overwhelmed Demetrius, marrying Demetrius’ daughter Stratonice as his first love Apama had died years prior. Seleucus became frustrated as he could not expand his domain westward, mostly because he lacked the loyal Macedonian and Greek soldiers needed for it. Seleucus had relied on his war-elephants and Persian cavalry as opposed to Lysimachus’ superior numerical army. In order to recruit more troops, Seleucus founded more cities and colonies in Asia.

In 294 BCE Seleucus instigated the marriage between his son Antiochus and his new wife Stratonice, doing so after discovering his son was in danger of dying of “lovesickness” for Startonice. Also, it is believed Seleucus arranged the marriage partially because Demetrius had become sole king of Macedon, so this way he could secure Stratonice’s safety in case he commenced conflict with her father. Soon enough, the alliance between Seleucus and Demetrius ended when Seleucus moved to conquer Cilicia. In 292 BCE Seleucus appointed Antiochus as his co-ruler and viceroy of the eastern provinces, as the large empire seemed to require a double government.

“Antiochus and Stratonice of Syria” by Johann Eleazar Schenau

In 286 BCE Demetrius invaded and easily occupied Cilicia, suggesting he was aiming to take Seleucus’ most important colonies in Syria. However, Demetrius’ soldiers were tired and were without proper payment. On the other hand, Seleucus had more than enough resources to supply his army as well as the adoration of his soldiers. Seleucus then blocked the roads leading south from Cilicia and urged the soldiers of Demetrius to join him. Though, at the same time he tried to avoid direct contact with Demetrius. Finally, after years of intimidation and challenges Seleucus met with Demetrius and his army, addressing Demetrius personally. He presented himself in front of the soldiers and removed his helmet, revealing his identity. With this act the soldiers abandoned Demetrius en masse. Totally forsaken, Demetrius surrendered to Seleucus.

Surprisingly, Seleucus acted generously toward Demetrius, in a show of goodness and faith. However, Demetrius became popular amongst Seleucus’ court, and from then on Demetrius was treated as a prisoner, being locked away in Apamea-on-the-Orontes. Demetrius died three years later in captivity, drinking himself to death. The only other remaining powers were Lysimachus and Ptolemy. Lysimachus, having previously supported Seleucus against Demetrius, began to fallout with Seleucus. In 285 BCE Lysimachus became the sole ruler of Macedon along with his domain over Thrace and western territories of Asia Minor. Seleucus became hostile to Lysimachus as he was suddenly less imposing, having most of Greece under his command. It seems Seleucus’ relationship with Ptolemy also deteriorated, mainly because Seleucus had become the most powerful diadochi and this caused Ptolemy to be cautious and cynical. It is suspected at this point Selelucus wished to reunite Alexander’s empire under his rule.

In 283 BCE Ptolemy died, leaving only Seleucus and Lysimachus as the enduring contemporaries of Alexander. Fate seemed to favor Seleucus at this moment as Lysimachus had been married to Arisnoe (later Arsinoe II), daughter of Ptolemy, and had recently taken in Ptolemy Ceraunus (“Thunderbolt”), the rejected eldest son of Ptolemy. Both Arisnoe and Ptolemy began to corrupt Lysimachus’ mind with suspicions about his son Agathocles. Agathocles was well liked by the people for his dashing warrior character, in which he also won the loyalty of the army. Lysimachus had his son executed on suspicions of treason, a very unpopular act which forever blemished Lysimachus’ reputation. City-states owing allegiance to Lysimachus began to wane in their support. Agathocles’ wife and children fled to the court of Seleucus, accompanied by Ptolemy Ceraunus, pleading to Seleucus to intervene. Members of the army soon defected and made their way to Syria, and even Lysimachus’ own son Alexander became wary. Hundreds of voices called upon Seleucus to vanquish Lysimachus.

As E.R. Bevan writes: “Seleucus felt indeed his moment had come. The world, weary of the long conflict, saw once more, forty years after the great conqueror’s death, his two remaining companions, now old men, address themselves to the crowning fight for his inheritance.” Seleucus, the most powerful of Alexander’s generals, gathered an army and launched a campaign against Lysimachus. Meanwhile, Lysimachus looked to Egypt for old alliances, though the new young pharaoh Ptolemy II, later known as Philadelphus (“Sibling-Loving”), kept quiet when Lysimachus requested assistance. In 281 BCE Seleucus and Lysimachus met on the plains of Corus; we known nothing about the battle except the results. Seleucus was victorious, Lysimachus had died during the fighting.

Seleucus had seen his last rival die. Now the only living contemporary of Alexander, Seleucus had restored rule over the old Achaemenid Empire, most of it at least. Seleucus took the task of administrating the provinces of Asia Minor, the region being ethnically diverse in that it consisted of a Greek populace and cities, a Persian aristocracy, and indigenous peoples. Apparently, Seleucus managed some respectable control over Asia, with the number of new cities being founded under his character. Though, he was unable to subdue Cappadocia, and Pergamon under Philetaerus, an old officer of Lysimachus, remained semi-indepedent in that he adhered to Seleucus. Still, Seleucus proved to be a popular ruler, as in the years since Ipsus, all cities in Asia sent embassies to his court. Seleucus even complained about the amount of letters he was receiving and forced to read. He would also be served an extra cup of wine during dinners according to local customs. In Lemnos he was celebrated as a liberator and a temple was erected in honor of him. By this period he was called Seleucus Soter (“the Savior”).

 

Coin of Philetaerus depicting Seleucus I Nicator

With the east under his rule and he at the apex of his power, Seleucus looked to his homeland. With the exceptions of Greater Egypt, Thrace, Macedon and all of Greece, Seleucus had become the master of Alexander’s inheritance. Now with the pivotal opportunity, Seleucus desired to establish an immortal legacy – reuniting Alexander’s empire. He intended to invade Thrace first, then moving on to Macedon and Greece, then finish with Egypt. It appears Greece had already welcomed him as their ruler, as he was named an honorary citizen of Athens. Seleucus resolved to leave his Asiatic domain to his son Antiochus while he reigned for the remainder of his days in Macedon. He had, however, only crossed the Thracian Chersonese when he was assassinated by Ptolemy Ceraunus. He was 77 years-old.

Seleucus was buried at Seleucia Pieria by his son and successor Antiochus I Soter. Antiochus eventually established a cult dedicated to his dead father, decreeing Seleucus should be worshipped as “Zeus Nicator”. Seleucus was also worshipped as the son of a god, as an inscription found at Illion advising priests to sacrifice to Apollo, the Seleucid ancestor. Seleucus was posthumously given the epithet “Nicator” – the Victor. Several anecdotes about Seleucus’ life became popular in antiquity.

Besides Antigonus, Seleucus had the closest chance to actually achieve what the other diadochi dreamed about, making him come across as the true victor of these successor wars in the aspects of authority and longevity. Seleucus, in his hard work and conclusive success, perhaps proved to be the most legitimate “successor” of Alexander, in that how he maintained not only Alexander’s eastern territories, but how the development of Hellenization processed throughout the Seleucid Empire, achieving Alexander’s goal of multicultural unity. Seleucus founded a Greco-Persian dynasty, the most remarkable of the Successor Kingdoms in its ethos and power. His empire would adhere to Alexander’s dream. He truly was the victor.

Recommended Reading:

The House of Seleucus, E.R. Bevan

Seleukos Nikator: Constructing a Hellenistic Kingdom, John D. Grainger

Dividing the Spoils: The War for Alexander the Great’s Empire, Robin Waterfield

The Darling Flavian

Titus Flavius Sabinus Vespasianus (later known as Titus Flavius Caesar Vespasianus Augustus), commonly known as Titus, was the tenth Roman Emperor, reigning from 79 to 81 CE, and the second ruler of the Flavian dynasty. Titus is often regarded as one of the most exemplary emperors due to his good nature, charisma, and charitable acts, despite his short lived reign. An excellent general, Titus is remembered for participating in his father’s campaign against the the rebellious Jews of Judaea, in which he successfully reconquered the province and celebrated a grand triumph. Titus is also remembered for his charitable disposition, as the eruption of Mount Vesuvius occurred during his reign as emperor, in which Titus orchestrated a mass relief effort to help those in need. The completion of various public works, including the famed Colosseum, is attributed to Titus. By far one of the most beloved Roman emperors, his death is considered a great tragedy as who knows what prosperity was held in store for Titus’ future reign.

Let us delve into the life and legacy of Titus.

Bust of Titus

Titus was born in December 39 CE, the eldest son of the then Roman general Titus Flavius Sabinus Vespasianus (“Vespasian”) and his wife Flavia Domitilla Major. The gens Flavia, especially the Flavii Sabini, rose to prominence during the early imperial period of Rome, as the old Roman aristocracy had gradually died out. Titus’ family did not experience any fortune until his father Vespasian participated in Emperor Claudius’ invasion of Britain where he distinguished himself in several crucial battles. With Vespasian’s rise in both the military and political scene in Rome he was able to provide a court education for Titus. Titus became close friends with Claudius’ son Britannicus, he was even present at the dinner where Britannicus was poisoned by Nero, the adopted son and heir of Claudius. It is said Titus drank from the same poisoned glass as Britannicus had as a sign of sympathy, in which Titus became severely ill but still lived. In affection for Britannicus, when Titus was emperor he set up golden statues of Britannicus in the imperial palace.

According to the Roman biographer Suetonius, when Titus came of age “the beauty and talents that had distinguished him as a child grew even more remarkable […] he was both graceful and dignified, both muscular and handsome, except for a certain paunchiness. He had a phenomenal memory, and displayed a natural aptitude alike for the arts of war and peace […] could compose speeches and verses in Greek or Latin with equal ease […] He was something of a musician too: he sang pleasantly and had mastered the harp […] he claimed that he could imitate any handwriting in existence and might, in different circumstances, have been the most celebrated forger of all time.” However, Suetonius and other historians note that the adoration for Titus arose after his accession. As both a politician and his father’s colleague Titus was venomously loathed. It is unclear exactly why Titus was so despised, but when he became emperor he was “an object of universal love and adoration.”

From 57 to 59 CE Titus served as a military tribune in Germania (Germany), and by 60 CE he also served in Britannia (Britain), perhaps arriving with reinforcements to put down the revolt of Boudica. After the completion of his military services he returned to Rome where he participated as an advocate in the law courts, but only because it was a respectable occupation. In 66 CE Emperor Nero granted Vespasian a special command in the east with the task of settling the rebellions of Jewish people in Judaea. Titus was placed under his father’s command where he was in charge of Legio XV Apollinaris. The Jewish writer Josephus portrays Vespasian and Titus very favorably in their duties. By 68 CE the north and coast of Judaea were subjugated with pivotal victories at Taricheae and Gamala. During these battles Titus distinguished himself as a talented general.

Vespasian and Titus then focused their efforts on the fortified city of Jerusalem, the heart of the Jewish resistance. However, in 68 CE Nero committed suicide, putting the Roman Empire in a temporary crisis. The Roman Senate had declared Lucius Livius Ocella Sulpicius Galba (“Galba”) as emperor. Vespasian acknowledged Galba’s authority, sending Titus to Rome to greet the newly inducted emperor. Before he reached Italy, Titus learned that Galba had been murdered by Marcus Salvius Otho (“Otho”), who had then become emperor. Aulus Vitellius (“Vitellius”), governor of Germania, decided to march on Rome, and not wanting to be taken hostage by either side, Titus returned to his father in Judaea. In 69 CE, after the First Battle of Bedriacum, Otho committed suicide and Vitellius was now emperor. When the news reached the legions of Judaea, Egypt, and Syria they proclaimed Vespasian as emperor, Titus playing a vital role in his father’s acclamation. The Danubian legions soon followed, and after the Second Battle of Bedriacum Vitellius was taken prisoner and soon executed, Vespasian then officially declared emperor by the Senate. Vespasian had left Titus in command of the siege of Jerusalem, his most famous achievement.

The Siege of Jerusalem (70 CE) was a tougher labor than the previous Judaean skirmishes, though Titus displayed his gifted mind in dealing with the city’s defenses. In command of four legions, Titus ordered the city to be enclosed on all sides, putting pressure on the food and water supplies. Though, Jewish raids continually harassed the Roman army, and on one occasion Titus was almost captured during a peace negotiation. In less than four weeks Titus and his legions breached the first and second walls of the city through the use of siege towers, catapults, and battering rams, leaving only the inner wall and the Temple protected. By this point the Jews were exhausted and famished, and to intimidate the rebels Titus ordered all Jewish deserters to be crucified. Titus then built a siege wall to confine the city and further the starvation of the resistance, and after several assaults the Romans eventually overwhelmed the Jews and breached the inner city.

The city was set ablaze and the inhabitants were slaughtered, though sources differ on Titus’ intentions when he breached the city. Some, like Josephus, claim Titus was moderate in his approach to the Jewish people, while others claim that Titus wanted to eradicate Judaism, killing the Jews and their sacred animals, effectively ending their god. Nevertheless, Titus ordered the remainder of the city to be destroyed, his goal being that no one would remember the name Jerusalem. One wall remained untouched – the “Wailing Wall” – a demonstration that none could withstand the might of the Roman army. During the onslaught of Jerusalem, a Roman soldier threw a torch into the Temple where it was then destroyed. Apparently, Titus had no intention of destroying the Temple, wanting to convert it into a temple dedicated to the Roman pantheon. As a final desecration, Titus made a sacrifice to the Roman standards in the Temple court. Titus was hailed as imperator by his soldiers, making this his greatest victory.

“The Conquest of Jerusalem by Emperor Titus” by Nicolas Poussin

The surviving Jews were taken as prisoners for Titus’ forthcoming triumph, including the rebel leaders Simon Bar-Giora and John of Jish. Titus then held a formal parade to thank and reward his soldiers, handing out crowns of gold to principal officers along with promotions, ending with three days of feasting. Ostensibly, Titus refused to accept a wreath, claiming that the Jewish god had used Titus as a manifestation for his wrath against his people. As it seemed Titus was about to relinquish his command, the soldiers begged Titus to stay or at least let them follow him. Such deep admiration and devotion did Titus inspire. Unable to sail to Italy during the winter, Titus traveled to the city of Zeugma where King Vologases I of Parthia awarded him a crown. He then visited Antioch where he confirmed the traditional rights of the Jews of that city. While traveling to Alexandria, Titus stopped at Memphis to attend the consecration of the Apis Bull, in which it required him to wear a diadem in the ceremony. This rose suspicions, as a diadem was traditionally identified with monarchy, and the soldier’s devotion to Titus made some assume he might try to usurp his father. Knowing of these rumors, Titus returned to Rome in 71 CE and greeted his father, who was not expecting him, with the simple words “Here I am, father, here I am!”

Upon his arrival at Rome, Titus was awarded a lavish triumph which he shared with his father and younger brother Titus Flavius Domitianus (“Domitian”). The conqueror of Judaea celebrated his triumph in the grandest of styles, enthusiastically hailed by the Roman populace as the spoils of the Second Temple were paraded along with the Jewish captives. Vespasian made a statement with this joint triumph, establishing Titus as his heir-apparent. The triumphal Arch of Titus, which was commissioned by Domitian, immortalized Titus’ achievements. Titus and Domitian were both bestowed with the honorific title of Caesar, and Titus would share practically every official honor that his father had. He held joint-tribunician power, the censorship, and seven consulships during the 70s CE. Titus was also appointed praetorian prefect and was in command of the domestic Roman army. Titus sustained the burdens of government in his father’s name, further strengthening his position as his father’s heir.

Titus’ exercised great power during his father’s regime, as he dealt with suspected traitors violently. In 79 CE, a plot by Aulus Caecina Alienus and Eprius Marcellus to overthrow Vespasian was discovered; Titus invited Alienus to dinner and ordered him stabbed to death before he left the room. Titus’ violence and severity made him notorious throughout Rome. Suetonius writes “He was believed to be profligate as well as cruel, of the riotous parties which he kept going with him more extravagant friends far into the night; and lustful too, because he kept a troop of toy boys and eunuchs, and nursed a notorious passion for Queen Berenice, to whom he allegedly promised marriage […] It was even prophesied quite openly that he would prove to be a second Nero. However, this pessimistic view stood him in good stead: as soon as everyone realized that here was no monster of vice but an exceptionally noble character, public opinion flew to the opposite extreme.”

Vespasian died in June 79 CE and Titus succeeded him without question. To the surprise of the Roman people, Titus displayed honest integrity and kind character. The people loved Titus and praised his virtues that overshadowed his vices. “No emperor could have been less of a robber than Titus, who showed the greatest respect for private property and would not even accept the gifts sanctioned by tradition. Nor had any of his predecessors ever displayed such generosity […] Titus was naturally kind-hearted, and though no emperor, following Tiberius’ example, had ever consented to ratify individual concessions granted by his predecessor unless these suited him personally, Titus did not wait to be asked but signed a general edict confirming all such concessions whatsoever […] Even when warned by his staff how impossible it would be to make good on such promises, Titus maintained that no one ought to go away disappointed from an audience with the emperor. One evening at dinner, realizing that he had done nobody any favor since the previous night, he spoke these memorable words : ‘My friends, I have wasted a day.'”

Coin of Imperator Titus

Titus sought to demonstrate the Flavians as the legitimate successors to the Julio-Claudian dynasty; he first deified his father upon his accession in accordance to the imperial cult (though, this would not be ratified until six months later) and would produce a series of coins depicting the previous emperors, notably Augustus and Claudius. Titus also funded construction projects of both his own invention and of his father’s will, the most remarkable being the Flavian Amphitheatre (known today as the “Colosseum”) as well as various bathhouses. In celebration of the completed amphitheatre, Titus hosted a grand hundred day festival with elaborate spectacles including gladiatorial fights, artificial sea battles, and wild beast hunts. One of his first acts as emperor was to halt the trials based on treasonous charges which had long afflicted the early days of the empire. Charges for slander and libel were done away with, as Titus said “It is impossible for me to be insulted or abused in any way. For I do naught that deserves censure, and I care not for what is reported falsely. As for the emperors who are dead and gone, they will avenge themselves in case anyone does them a wrong, if in very truth they are demigods and possess any power.” Consequently, no senators were executed during his reign.

Another aspect of Titus’ life that had long entertained the Roman populace was his love life, eventful and somewhat scandalous. Titus was first married to Arrecina Tertulla, a woman of equestrian rank who had died shortly into their marriage. Titus then married Marcia Furnilla, whose distinguished family had helped Titus in his early political career. She bore him his only child, a daughter named Julia Flavia. Though, Titus later divorced Furnilla for unknown reasons, perhaps because her family was connected to the Pisonian conspiracy during Nero’s reign. Titus was known for his indulgence in young men and eunuchs, which spawned tales of his alleged debauchery.

However, his most famous (or infamous) romance was with the Jewish queen Berenice of Cilicia. During the Judaean rebellion, Titus met Berenice who immediately fell in love with him despite Titus being eleven years her junior. The sister of Herod Agrippa II, the Herodians had sided with the Romans during their reconquest of Judaea and when Nero’s death induced a succession crisis Berenice used her wealth and influence to support Vespasian’s claim. In 75 CE they reunited and lived with him in the imperial palace, acting in every aspect as his loyal wife. The Romans, however, perceived Berenice to be an intrusive foreigner. When the pair was publicly denounced by Cynics in a theatre Titus yielded and sent her away, which was painful for both of them. Also, it was rumored that Titus had an affair with Domitia Longina, the wife of his brother Domitian, though she had denied the allegation.

“The Triumph of Titus” by Lawrence Alma-Tadema (notice the longing gazes of Titus and Domitia)

Titus had a strained relationship with his brother Domitian, as Suetonius writes “Titus’ brother Domitian caused him endless trouble: he took part in conspiracies, stirred up disaffection in the armed forces almost openly, and toyed with the notion of escaping from Rome and putting himself at their head. Yet Titus had not the heart to execute Domitian, dismiss him from court, or even treat him less honorably than before. Instead, he continued to repeat, as on the first day of his reign, ‘Remember that you are my partner and chosen successor,’ and often took Domitian aside, begging him tearfully to return the affection he offered.” Nevertheless, Domitian contributed greatly to Titus’ memory after he died, erecting monuments to his brother.

Titus’ reign is noted for the series of catastrophes that occurred, notably the eruption of Mount Vesuvius in 79 CE which destroyed the cities of Pompeii and Herculaneum. Titus reacted by appointing two ex-consuls to coordinate the relief effort and spent huge sums of money from the imperial treasury to help the victims. In 80 CE an immense fire broke out in Rome, burning considerable amounts for three days and three nights. Not as disastrous as the Great Fire of 64 CE, the city still lost a number of public buildings including Agrippa’s Pantheon, the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, parts of the Theatre of Pompey among others. Like before, Titus personally compensated for the damages. Also, a plague spread during the fire, yet the nature of the disease is unknown, only described to be horrendous. Titus’ only comment on the fire at Rome was “This has ruined me!”

As a result of Titus’ actions during these blights he gained a reputation for generosity and cordiality. In 81 CE at the closing of the ceremonial games Titus wept openly and officially dedicated the amphitheatre and bathes, which were to be his final recorded acts as emperor. Titus set off for the Sabine territories, though suddenly he fell ill with an intense fever. On his way back to Rome in his litter he is said “to have drawn back the curtains, gazed up at the sky, and complained bitterly that life was being undeservedly taken from him – since he had done nothing at all which he had cause to regret, save for one thing only.” Allegedly, his last words before dying were “I have made but one mistake.” It has been speculated that Titus may have been referring to his rumored love affair with Domitia.

Statue of Titus

Titus was succeeded by Domitian, who forthwith deified Titus. Upon hearing of his death, the Roman people went into mourning “as though they had suffered a personal loss.” Senators rushed to the Senate House and began “speaking of him with greater thankfulness and praise than they had ever used while he was alive and still among them.” The Flavian dynasty would not last beyond Domitian, who was assassinated in 96 CE.

Titus stands as one of the most exemplary emperors of any period in Roman history. True, his legacy is enhanced by his early death, nonetheless Titus displayed a good disposition that is remarked upon by his winning personality and charitable acts. The Roman historian Cassius Dio remarks upon Titus’ death and legacy, writing:

“His satisfactory record may also have been due to the fact that he survived his accession but a very short time, for he was thus given no opportunity for wrongdoing. For he lived after this only two years, two months and twenty days—in addition to the thirty-nine years, five months and twenty-five days he had already lived at that time. In this respect, indeed, he is regarded as having equalled the long reign of Augustus, since it is maintained that Augustus would never have been loved had he lived a shorter time, nor Titus had he lived longer. For Augustus, though at the outset he showed himself rather harsh because of the wars and the factional strife, was later able, in the course of time, to achieve a brilliant reputation for his kindly deeds; Titus, on the other hand, ruled with mildness and died at the height of his glory, whereas, if he had lived a long time, it might have been shown that he owes his present fame more to good fortune than to merit.”

One must always wonder what would become of the Roman Empire if Titus had lived longer. Would it prosper beyond imagination? Did he inherit good fortune? That is left up to the individual.

Recommended Reading:

 Lives of the Twelve Caesars, Suetonius

The War of the Jews, Josephus

Roman History, Cassius Dio

In the Name of Rome: The Men who Won the Roman Empire, Adrian Goldsworthy

Beloved of the Greeks

Philip V of Macedon was the sixth Antigonid king of Macedon, reigning from 221 to 179 BCE; a most ambitious king famed for his unsuccessful struggles with the Roman Republic, as Philip wanted to expand Macedonian influence beyond Greece into Asia. Though, his venturous attitude attracted hostile reactions from neighbors and, most importantly, the Roman Republic. The Romans declared themselves champions of “Greek Freedom” and fought against Philip, in which they were victorious. After this defeat Philip was forced to absolved his control of Greece and gained Asian territories, reducing Macedon back to its borders. Philip was a dashing and courageous warrior, so much so that he was compared to Alexander the Great, an example he tried to emulate.

Philip V is perhaps the most celebrated Antigonid king as his ambitions and resolve were remembered as the conquering policies of Alexander, though he was defeated. The last Macedonian king who held hegemony over the Greek states, Philip was called the “beloved of the Greeks” due to his charitable inclination.

Now, let’s look at Philip’s life and legacy.

 

Coin depicting Philip V of Macedon

Philip was born in 238 BCE, the son and heir of the Macedonian king Demetrius II Aetolicus (“of Aetolia”) and his fourth wife Chryseis. Demetrius II was distinguished for his defiance to invading neighbors and his success at expanding into the Greek mainland, greatly enlarging the Macedonian kingdom. King Demetrius died in 229 BCE when Philip was 9 years-old, resulting in the appointment of his elder cousin Antigonus as regent until Philip came of age. Antigonus was soon regarded as king and ruled Macedon as such, yet still considered himself as a caretaker of Philip. Antigonus III Doson (“given great promise”) faced threats from the southern Greek states, but chose to invoke diplomacy in order to calm the Greeks and achieve victory. In 221 BCE Antigonus died from illness and complications while campaigning against the Illyrians, leaving the Macedonian kingdom to the 17 year-old Philip. For a brief time the courtier Apelles acted as regent for Philip, but he was soon cast aside for Philip to take the reins of his kingdom and the Greek world.

In 220 BCE war broke out amongst the Greek states and leagues. Called the Social War (or the Aetolian War), the Aetolian League had become defensive as many of its rivals had become stronger with expansionist policies and secure alliances. The Aetolian League was the only power that hindered Macedon’s complete control of Greece, though they were known for peaceful and cautious policies. However, Sparta and Elis allied themselves with the Aetolian’s cause, raising alarm amongst the other Greek states. Philip V gathered the head members of the Hellenic League at Corinth to discuss how to proceed with the Aetolian League’s defiance to their presence. Philip, as the leader of the Hellenic League, declared war and soon the Aetolian League sent armies to attack the holdings of the Achaean League and pending an invasion of Macedon. With the Achaean League near collapse due to the attacks by the Spartans and Aetolians, Philip marched south with an army and won victory after victory against the Eleans. Philip then took a fleet to the coasts of Aetolia and began to raid cities, moving inward to Thermum and subsequently devastated the city. Philip sailed to Corinth and marched against the Spartans where he gained more victories, though he was forced to go back to Corinth as his soldiers were dissatisfied with their plunder. During the war Philip became a famed and respected military leader, with Macedon becoming the premier military power of Greece.

In 217 BCE Philip received news of Hannibal Barca’s victory over the Romans at the Battle of Lake Trasimene. Hannibal’s success against the Romans caused Philip to turn his interests westward, aspiring to replace the newfound Roman influence amongst the Adriatic Sea. Philip quickly called an end to the Social War and made peace with the Aetolian League. With Rome preoccupied with Carthage, this allowed Philip to extend his influence to islands and cities who were under Roman “protection”. It was at the urging of his advisor Demetrius of Pharos that Philip was persuaded to take action against the Romans and invade Illyria, a protectorate of the Roman Republic. Philip spent the winter of 217-216 BCE building a large fleet to assault the coasts of Illyria and, if needed, to repel the Romans. Though, word of a Roman fleet sailing towards Greece caused panic and Philip returned to Macedon “without loss indeed, but with considerable dishonor.”

By 215 BCE Philip and Hannibal allied with each other after the Battle of Cannae (216 BCE). They agreed to mutually support each other against their own enemies, and that if any peace with Rome was struck then they would have to relinquish major Balkan cities into Philip’s domain. Philip’s alliance with Hannibal provoked immediate alarm from the Romans, as they were under great stress from Hannibal’s presence in Italy. By the late summer of 214 BCE Philip once again attempted to invade Illyria by the sea, capturing a few cities before the Romans intervened by sending the propraetor Marcus Valerius Laevinus with a fleet and legions to “rescue” the besieged Illyrian cities. He reached Apollonia and in the night commanded his army to attack Philip’s camp, quickly secured a victory as Philip was compelled to flee back to Macedon as he burned his remaining ships and left thousands of soldiers at the mercy of Laevinus. Philip spent the next two years carefully making advancements in Illyria by land, taking the inland towns and defeating various tribes. Philip finally gained access to the Adriatic by capturing the city of Lissus and its seemingly impenetrable citadel. The surrounding territories surrendered to Philip, though the fear of a Roman invasion still clouded Philip’s mind and he now relied on Carthage for a fleet just in case.

The Romans sought out allies in Greece due to the possibility of Philip sending reinforcements to Hannibal in Italy. Laevinus attempted to coerce the Aetolian League to join the Romans, but they were war-weary and had made peace with Philip. Though, five years later the Aetolian League decided to take up arms against Macedon due to Rome’s rising fortunes in the Second Punic War. In 211 BCE a treaty was signed between the Roman Republic and the Aetolian League in which the Romans would collect any slaves or plunder while the Aetolians would receive conquered territory. The treaty also included the assistance of of allies such as the states of Elis, Sparta, Messenia, and, most importantly, Attalus I Soter (“the Savior”), King of Pergamon. Attalus supported the Aetolian League years before during their struggle with Philip, and now he was elected as one of the two strategoi (“generals”) of the Aetolian League. Laevinus campaigned in Greece in which he captured several islands before alerting Philip. Upon hearing of Laevinus’ campaign, Philip secured his northern borders by conducting raids in Illyria, Dardania, and possibly Paeonia. He then attacked the Thracian Maedi before returning to Macedon, though he soon received an urgent plea for help from the Acarnanians as the Aetolians under their general Scopas had decided to mobilize and prepared to invade Acarnania. Ill-prepared and outnumbered, the Acarnanians were still determined to resist which halted the Aetolian’s ambitions. Hearing of Philip’s army marching to aid the Acarnanians, the Aetolian League abandoned their invasion plans and Philip returned to Pella, the Macedonian capital, for the winter.

There were concerns over Rome’s intentions and methods, nevertheless the coalition against Philip grew and with the help of Attalus’ fleets the sea was secured and forced Philip to fight on land where his enemies became more prevalent. Laevinus returned to Rome to assume his consulship, confident in the Roman strategy to pit the Greek states against Philip. However, the Greek coalition remained passive as Philip continued to advance on the Greek mainland, capturing city after city. In the spring 0f 209 BCE the Achaean League requested help from Philip as they were being attacked by the Spartans and Aetolians. Knowing of Attalus’ involvement and fearing he might cross from Asia Minor into Greece, Philip gathered an army and advanced into southern Greece. At Lamia Philip met with an Aetolian army supported by Roman and Pergamene auxiliaries, in which he defeated them in two decisive battles. The Aetolian force retreated inside the walls of Lamia, allowing Philip to go to Phalara where he met with representatives from Egypt, Athens, Rhodes, and Chios. The ambassadors intended to convince Philip to end the war as it was hurting trade in the Mediterranean. A truce of thirty days was struck and a peace conference was set up at Achaea. Philip went to the town of Aegium for the peace conference, though it was disrupted with reports that Attalus had arrived at Aegina and a Roman fleet was at Naupactus. The Aetolian representatives then demanded Philip renounce several of his captured cities to their respective states. Angry and disrespected, Philip quit the negotiations.

With the Roman fleet now commanded by the proconsul Publius Sulpicius Galba, he and Attalus attended a meeting in Heraclea Trachinia in which representatives from Aetolia, Egypt, and Rhodes were still trying to negotiate a peace settlement. Hearing of this council, Philip swiftly marched south in an attempt to break up the meeting but arrived too late. As he was now encompassed by enemies, Philip adopted a defensive policy and set up a beacon system to alert of enemy movements. When Attalus sacked the city of Opus, a signal fire notified Philip and he attacked Attalus’ army as they were gathering their plunder. Attalus had barely managed to escape to his ships and fled to Asia. Philip considered Attalus’ escape a bitter defeat, though Attalus would be confined to Pergamon as King Prusias I Cholus (“the Lame”) of Bithynia, related to Philip via marriage to his sister Apama III, intended to move against Attalus. Philip now went on the offensive, occupying several cities and towns in central and western Greece. In 207 BCE the same ambassadors from Egypt and Rhodes tried to convince Philip to make peace, but to no avail as the war was going Philip’s way. Abandoned by Rome and Pergamon, the Aetolian League sued for peace in 206 BCE. Philip demanded immense sums of gold, he also burned down temples and public buildings of the Aetolians.

Bust of Philip V

The following spring the censor Publius Sempronius Tuditanus was sent to Dyrrachium to spur the tribes to revolt against Philip. Philip soon arrived and forced Sempronius to retreat. The Romans had no more allies in Greece, yet they succeeded in preventing Philip from aiding Hannibal. In 205 BCE the so-called Peace of Phoenice was signed, formally ending the First Macedonian War. Though, this did not stop Philip from stirring up trouble as later that same year Philip pressed Crete into attacking Rhodes. Having defeated Pergamon, the major Greek state of Asia Minor, and formed an alliance with the Aetolian League, Philip was opposed by no one save Rhodes. Wishing to be master of the Greek world, Philip sought to disrupt Rhodian dominance of the sea. Enlisting the help of the Cretans and Spartan pirates, Philip commanded them to raid Rhodian ships and other territories. Weakened by these continuous raids, Rhodes asked the Roman Republic for help, though the Second Punic War had just ended and the Romans were too tired to lend aid. The Rhodians did, however, gain the allegiance of Pergamon, Cyzicus, and Byzantium.

Philip’s plan was to control the Aegean Sea as he was not allowed to expand westward due to the Peace of Phoenice. So, Philip decided to raze several cities of Asia Minor and gift them to Prusias I. In return, Prusias promised to put pressure on Pergamon as he expanded his kingdom. Philip’s razing of these cities enraged the Aetolian League as two of them were members of said confederation. However, the Aetolian League continued to support and provide for Philip as they were afraid of him, and this incident only worsened their relationship. Sailing back to Macedon, Philip visited the island of Thasos off the coast of Thrace where he received envoys from the eponymous capital. The envoys said they would surrender the city to the Macedonians only if there was no garrison placed, they did not have to pay tribute, and they lived by their own laws. Philip agreed to these terms, though once he and his army were inside the city walls Philip ordered his soldiers to enslave the citizens and pillage the city. This action caused Philip’s reputation among the Greek states to drastically deteriorate as they viewed his raids as savage and no better than the Aetolians and Romans during the First Macedonian War.

In 204/203 BCE Philip was approached by ministers of the 5 year-old pharaoh Ptolemy V Epiphanes (“God-Manifest”). The diplomats attempted to create an alliance with Philip by offering a marriage contract with Philip’s daughter, Apama, and Ptolemy. The reason for this alliance was to hinder the ambitions of Antiochus III Megas (“the Great”), King of the Seleucid Empire. Antiochus was seeking to enlarge his empire at Egypt’s expense, also with the desire to increase his power and reputation among the Greek world. Philip declined the offer and instead forged an alliance with Antiochus and concluded a secret pact in which they would wage war against Egypt and divide the Ptolemaic possessions amongst themselves. Antiochus would take Egypt and Cyrene while Philip was awarded the Ptolemaic holdings in the Aegean. In 202 BCE the Aetolians sent ambassadors to Rome in order to create an alliance against Philip, as Philip’s aggressive policies induced them to seek outside protection. The Romans refused them, still seething from the fact that the Aetolian League allied with Philip at the conclusion of the First Macedonian War. This attitude from the Romans encouraged Philip to continue his campaign in the Aegean, considering it key to maintaining his dominance in the Greek world. By controlling the Aegean he would be able to restrict Roman interference in the Eastern Mediterranean.

Philip attacked Ptolemaic territories in Thrace, though he soon heard of Attalus’ alliance with Rhodes which enraged him. Philip then invaded Pergamese territory, seeking to besiege Attalus’ capital, though Attalus had strengthened the city’s walls which resulted in Philip retreating only after destroying a few temples. Philip and the Macedonian fleet then subdued the Cyclades, capturing the island of Samos which was under Ptolemaic protection. Philip planned to use the northern Aegean islands as stepping-stones as he worked his way down to Rhodes. However, as he was besieging the island of Chios a combined Pergamese-Rhodian fleet interrupted Philip’s operations, with Attalus at the head of the fleet. The Battle of Chios commenced, resulting in Philip’s defeat. Historian Peter Green describes the battle as “crippling and costly” as Philip sustained more casualties than any of his previous battles. After the battle, the Rhodian admirals decided to sail back home, though Philip attacked them as they entered the straits between Lade and Miletus. Philip defeated the Rhodian fleet, and the Milesians were so impressed that they awarded Philip garlands of victory when he entered the city of Hiera Cone.

Philip then campaigned in Asia Minor, plundering numerous cities and towns, though he halted his attacks when he heard of Attalus building a new fleet. Meanwhile, Philip’s allies the Acarnanians waged war against Athens after the Athenians murdered two Acarnanian athletes. Philip lent his help to the Acarnanians by sending his general Nicanor the Elephant and an army to pillage Attica before moving on Athens. However, Roman ambassadors in the city ordered the Macedonians to stop their assault or face war with Rome. Philip continued to press on Athens, though his orders were halted by another Pergamese-Rhodian fleet that forced the Macedonians to abandon their assault. The Athenians were so pleased by this rescue that they established a new tribe in honor of Attalus. Attalus and the Rhodians then convinced the Athenians to declare war on Macedon.

Delegations from Pergamon, Egypt, Rhodes, and Athens appeared in the Roman Senate to appeal for help. They informed the Senate of the pact between Philip and Antiochus, complaining about Philip’s aggressive actions. Meanwhile, Philip campaigned in Thrace and captured more Ptolemaic holdings. Advancing on the Thracian Chersonese, Philip besieged Abydos which was protected by a Pergamese-Rhodian garrison. The situation soon became grave for the citizens of Abydos, and they sent envoys to Philip offering to surrender the city to him only if the garrison and citizens were permitted to leave without harm. Philip replied that they should “surrender at discretion or fight like men.” Informed of Philip’s response, the Abydenians swore to fight or die trying. A young Roman ambassador named Marcus Aemilius Lepidus approached Philip, informing him that if he attacked any Greek state, Ptolemaic possession, or territory belonging to Pergamon and Rhodes, then Rome would ignite war. Philip rebuffed the young ambassador and continued his siege. Philip eventually breached the walls of Abydos and while he was walking in the city he saw people killing themselves and their families by methods of stabbing, burning, hanging, and jumping off roofs. Philip, shocked by these acts of suicide, proclaimed a three day truce in which any Abydenian wishing to commit suicide or surrender they could.

Philip’s reputation was now blemished by the atrocities he committed during his conquest of Greek cities. No longer the “beloved of the Greeks”, Philip realized he had few active allies in Greece, although there was little enthusiasm for the Romans as well. The Roman Senate declared war on Philip for his aggressive expansion, though the first two years of campaigning proved little to nothing until the Roman offensive was handed to the general Titus Quinctius Flamininus. A known philhellene, Flamininus demanded Philip remove his garrisons in the Greek cities and limit his influence to the original Macedonian borders. In 198 BCE Flamininus led a vivacious and unwavering campaign against Philip, forcing him to retreat to Thessaly while many of the pro-Macedonian cities soon declared for Rome. Philip announced his willingness to make peace with the Romans, though it came at a critical time when elections were being held in Rome and Flamininus did not know if his command would be prolonged. Later that year Flamininus and Philip met at Nicaea to discuss terms of peace, in which Flamininus demanded Philip should withdraw completely from Greece and confine himself to Macedon. Philip was willing to give up his conquests in Thrace and Asia Minor, but he refused to absolve his influence on Greece.

Flamininus’ command was extended and so he continued the war against Philip. In 197 BCE the Battle of Cynoscephalae took place, in which Philip was decisively defeated by Flamininus. The battle proved the superiority of the Roman legion to the Greek phalanx, forever changing warfare in the Mediterranean. Philip then sued for peace on Roman terms. Philip agreed to evacuate the whole of Greece, relinquish his recent conquests, and return to Macedon. The Roman Senate added further that Philip must pay a war indemnity and surrender his navy, as well as hand over his younger son Demetrius as a hostage. In 196 BCE at the Isthmian Games Flamininus declared the Greeks “free”.

Philip was forced to ally himself with the Roman Republic, supporting the Romans in their war against Antiochus. Philip spent the rest of his reign restructuring the kingdom’s internal affairs as well as securing its borders. Though, the Romans were always suspicious of Philip, and when Philip felt threatened by a possible Roman invasion he extended his influence in the Balkans by means of diplomacy and force. Philip’s efforts, however, were undermined by his son Demetrius who was pro-Roman as a result of his time spent in Rome as a hostage. Demetrius was endorsed by Rome to be Philip’s successor, as his eldest son Perseus was seen as illegitimate, being that his mother was a concubine. In 180 BCE Perseus staged a plot where it appeared that Demetrius was planning on making Macedon a full client-state of Rome, in which Philip reluctantly executed Demetrius for treason. This had a great effect on Philip’s health, as Philip died a year later. He was succeeded by Perseus, the last king of Macedon.

Philip V wanted to be a conquering king in the mold of Alexander, though perhaps his ambitions were too grand for him to accomplish. After nearly a century and a half of dominance the Macedonian hegemony was finally lifted, the Greek states once again “free”. In his efforts to expand his kingdom Philip ultimately crippled it. Once the “beloved of the Greeks”, Philip aggressive policies made him the enemy of the Greeks he was once so beloved by. Certainly the most memorable Antigonid king, apart from Demetrius I Poliorcetes (“the Besieger”), Philip V goes down in history as a formidable but essentially unfit enemy of the Romans. The last great Macedonian king. Had he not allied with Hannibal, would the Romans go so far to defeat him?

Recommended Reading:

The Histories, Polybius

Alexander to Actium, Peter Green

A History of Macedonia, Robert Malcom Errington

The Classical World, Robert Lane Fox